




John Hawkins apparently has taken on a mission to prove that the Bush Administration is not creating a North American Union to replace the United States, or a new currency -- the Amero -- to replace the U.S. dollar.
Recently, in a blog debate on this website, I exchanged views with Mr. Hawkins. When Mr. Hawkins declined to respond in what the editors termed “Round 4” of that debate, I concluded Mr. Hawkins allowed me to have the final word because he lacked a convincing rejoinder. Now, we see Mr. Hawkins wants to carry on the debate but this time against a vaguely defined “conspiracy theory” whose proponents Mr. Hawkins neglects to identify except to point fingers at Lou Dobbs, Diane Alden, and me.
Hawkins begins by characterizing the argument that the NAU is being created as a “conspiracy theory.” As I argued in the debate on the blog, this technique is an attempt to discredit the argument by ridicule. What Mr. Hawkins wants readers to assume is that any writer arguing the NAU proposition has to believe by definition that behind the NAU movement are the illuminati, or that Bigfoot is the “brains behind the NAU.”
The tactic was well described by radical socialist Saul D. Alinsky whose 1971 book “Rules for Radicals” asserted that: “Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon. It is almost impossible to counterattack ridicule.” Mr. Alinsky was wrong on this, as he was on many political arguments. Ridicule can be countered by pointing out that ad hominem articles are usually all that is left for those who cannot muster the arguments to defeat a debate opponent on point.
Mr. Hawkins, you do not have to characterize statements by those of us who advance the NAU argument as “hysterical quotes” or arguments that are “not true at all” in order to position yourself to make the arguments you want to make.
To set the record straight, I believe there is no convincing evidence that a second assassin positioned behind the grassy knoll killed JFK, nor do I see definitive scientific evidence that the Loch Ness monster exists. I do find credible evidence, however, to advance the argument that the Bush administration is quietly creating the trilateral structure in administrative law of the NAU. The key action is going on within the executive branch in SPP.gov working groups. The goal seems to be to make the NAU a fait accompli without having to present the proposition first to the American public or the U.S. Congress for debate and approval. Far from being a conspiracy, the evidence for these contentions is “hidden” in the open, much of it published on government websites.
Mr Hawkins advances five “claims” which we will examine here in the order in which his article presents them. I will state the claims as Mr. Hawkins phrased them.
Claim #1: There is a Council of Foreign Relations report called, “Building a North American Community,” that’s being used as a “blueprint” for a merger of the U.S., Mexico, and Canada.
First, there is a CFR task force report under that title that was issued in May 2005. Moreover, there was a relatively neglected “Chairman’s Statement” under the title “Creating a North American Community” that was issued earlier, in March 2005.
Mr. Hawkins states that he telephoned Lee Feinstein, who is the executive director of the CFR task force program. Mr. Feinstein denied that the CFR reports in question called for the creation of a “superstate.” Moreover, Mr. Feinstein expressed uncertainty that anyone in the Bush administration was reading the report, paying any attention to it, or using it as a “blueprint.”
While Mr. Feinstein may head the CFR program, we find no mention that Mr. Feinstein participated on the task force of either of the CFR reports documented above. Nor do we find any evidence that task forces organized under Mr. Feinstein's office have a requirement to consult him or seek his views, advice or approval before issuing their reports.
Mr. Hawkins is non-responsive to the argument I advanced in the blog debate that a scientifically conducted content analysis would most likely show correspondence between the CFR reports in question, the activity documented by the Department of Commerce website (SPP.gov), and the writings of a person who was task force vice chair for the reports in question, Dr. Robert A. Pastor of American University. Regardless of denials expressed by any CFR executive or even a task force member, the documents in question should speak for themselves.
There are too many correlations among these evidentiary sources to document them fully here. To cite one correspondence as an example, we note that the CFR May 2005 report called for the immediate creation of a “North American Advisory Council,” described on page 31 as an “independent body of advisers,” composed of “eminent persons from outside government, appointed to staggered multiyear terms to ensure their independence.” In the May 27, 2005 press conference announcing the release of the May 2005 CFR task force report, Robert Pastor argued for the creation of some “lean institutions,” one of which was described as a “North American advisory council made up of eminent individuals from all three countries, appointed for terms that are longer than those of the governments, and staggered over time.”
The idea for a “North American Commission” surfaced in Dr. Pastor’s 2001 book titled "Toward a North American Commission," where on page 187 he recommended that the advisory group be “composed of distinguished individuals who are appointed by the three governments but are not in any of the governments.” The homepage at SPP.gov concludes by noting that President Bush, President Fox, and then-Prime Minister Martin of Canada announced at their March 2005 summit at Waco, Texas, “the creation of a North American Competitiveness Council to fully incorporate the private sector into the SPP process.” Then, on June 15, 2006, the NACC was created. Commerce Secretary Carlos M. Gutierrez convened the first meeting of the North American Competitiveness Council, organized exactly as Dr. Pastor and the May 2005 CFR task force report had recommended.
Another correspondence that a content analysis would reveal is the formation of a North American Investment Fund. Robert Pastor discussed this idea in his 2002 speech to the Trilateral Commission in which he argued for just such a fund. Next, the May 2005 CFR task force report argues for the creation of a North American Investment Fund on page 14. The acknowledgments section of this CFR report thanks Sen. John Cornyn (R.-Tex.) for contributing to the task force meeting in New York in 2004. Finally, on June 29, 2006, Sen. Cornyn introduced S. 3622 into the Senate, a bill calling for the formation of a North American Investment Fund. Always the discussion was the same -- to create a new North American investment fund that would supplement World Bank funds expended in a trilateral effort to develop Mexico economically.
In the blog debate with Mr. Hawkins, I pointed out that on page 3 of the May 2005 CFR report, the task force referenced the March 2005 SPP declaration and wrote: “The Task Force is pleased to provide specific advice on how the partnership can be pursued and realized.” Given this sentence, we advance the argument that the CFR task force stated openly the intent to lay out a plan, or “blueprint,” for how the U.S. government should proceed to “pursue and realize” the partnership the Waco, Texas declaration had put into effect as of March 23, 2005. We also argued that the correspondence between the areas identified for trilateral agreement in the May 2005 CFR report and the trilateral executive branch working groups established under SPP.gov correspond quite closely.
All this we consider strong evidence that the May 2005 CFR was a blueprint for SPP.gov, a blueprint which is following the intellectual structure Dr. Pastor has put forth in his many years of labor to bring the NAU into existence. These correspondences are empirical documentary evidence, independent of the assertions of any particular executive who may have a personal agenda that informs their statements of denial.
Claim #2: “Quietly but systematically, the Bush Administration is advancing the plan to build a huge NAFTA Super Highway, four football-fields-wide, through the heart of the U.S.” – Jerome Corsi
Here Mr. Hawkins cites the executive director of NASCO, who asserts that NASCO is merely a trade organization that is not part of a conspiracy to build NAFTA super-highways. Mr. Harkins’ argument here is identical to his argument in the first claim: he references the denial of an executive as a statement of proof that their organizations are not involved in the alleged activity. The argument suffers the same deficiency: What is the proof the executive is not issuing a self-serving denial conveniently design to deflect public examination and criticism?
Mr. Harkins’ argument, however, is once again non-responsive. We have argued repeatedly that NASCO members are actively involved in building components of what we argue will emerge as a NAFTA super-highway on the model of the Trans-Texas Corridor (TTC-35). We issued a challenge for NASCO to prove their point by repudiating the publicly stated plans of NASCO members, including the Texas Department of Transportation and the Kansas City SmartPort. We charged that NASCO added “debunking” sections to their homepage and website as a public relations make-over designed to deflect criticism. So far, NASCO has not responded, and neither has Mr. Hawkins.
Claim #3: A customs facility in Kansas City is going to become Mexican territory!
Here Mr. Hawkins begins by offering some personal praise, subtly packaging yet another ad hominem attack as professional admiration by characterizing the Mexican customs office being built in Kansas City by KC SmartPort as “a brilliant idea.” He points out that KC SmartPort officials assert that the purpose of the Mexican customs facility will only be to check “outgoing vehicles,” i.e. exports, which evidently Mr. Hawkins believes should give us no reason to object. Finally, Mr. Hawkins relies upon the testimony of yet another potentially self-interested executive, Tasha Hammes, a KC SmartPort marketing manager, who is associated with the Kansas City Area Development Council. Ms. Hammes asserts that the facility will be U.S. sovereign territory leased to Mexico. For Mr. Hawkins, that statement alone ends the debate on the issue.
Again, Mr Hawkins is non-responsive. We have examined internal emails of KC SmartPort executives that were obtained under a Missouri Sunshine Law. We have quoted from these emails to show that KC SmartPort officials communicating with each other in what they most likely assumed were never-to-be-public writings that the Mexican customs facility might just have to be considered Mexican sovereign territory. Moreover, the internal emails document that the question will remain open until KC SmartPort receives approval from the U.S. Department of State of the C-175 form KC SmartPort submitted to U.S. Customs and Border Protection to receive approval on the Mexican customs facility proposal. Mr. Hawkins failed to comment on this internal email evidence that we have presented and argued.
Claim #4: The United States, Mexico, and Canada are going to merge their currencies into something called an Amero.
Again, Mr. Hawkins begins with another form of the ad hominem discrediting argument, belittling anyone who would believe this claim that an Amero is in the works. He writes: “It’s always difficult to reason people out of something that they weren’t reasoned into in the first place and therefore, it’ll be very difficult to convince people who believe in this claim that it’s not going to happen.”
Moving beyond the personal attack, Mr. Hawkins once again advances executive statements to disavow the claim that the Amero is being contemplated by the U.S. government under the Bush administration. Mr. Hawkins notes that President Bush has never advocated this idea. Mr. Hawkins also notes that he spoke with David Bohigian at the Commerce Department who issued a flat denial that SPP was working on merging American currency with that of our neighbors. Again we note, that executive statements are not conclusive when the executives issuing a statement may have a self-interest in advancing a denial.
We have repeatedly argued that the NAU is being put in place incrementally, by executive action that is not explicitly stated in public speeches or advanced through legislation debated in Congress. We have cited the conclusions of Christopher Sands of the Center for Strategic and International Studies that the leaders of the U.S., Mexico, and Canada have committed to a process of bureaucratically led negotiations that will result in trilateral political integration, rather than proceeding through a process of open or public integration that going to the publics of the three countries or their legislatures would entail.
Mr. Hawkins agrees that creating the Amero is an explicit agenda item that Dr. Pastor has actively pursued, so we are spared having to document this point by reference to Dr. Pastor’s many writings and statements arguing for the creation of the Amero. Mr. Hawkins is once again non-responsive to our argument that a large body of academic literature exists arguing the desirability of creating a North American monetary union, whether or not the trilateral currency is named the Amero.
We noted that the updated SPP.gov listing of working groups describes a new “Financial Services Working Group” such that the top-level description does not produce sufficient detail to determine if trilateral integration of currencies is on the agenda, or not.
Even in the creation of the European Union, the creation of the Euro took some time. The European Council meeting in December 1995 in Madrid settled upon the Euro as a definitive name for the new European “unique currency,” even though the origins of the EU can be traced back to the Treaty of Rome in 1957. We expect the actual creation of a NAU unified currency will take several years after the NAU itself is fully realized.
Claim #5: The Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America is the government entity that’s working on merging the United States, Canada, and Mexico!
Predictably, Mr. Hawkins establishes his denial of this claim by referring to executive testimony. David Bohigian at the Commerce Department evidently also told Mr. Hawkins that SPP was just “like a discussion you’d have with your neighbors,” not a treaty or agreement to merge currencies or erase borders. We note the contrast between this statement and the stonewalling the Commerce Department is doing with our FOIA request to see the composition of the SPP.gov working groups, as well as the trilateral agreements and memoranda of understanding being written by these working groups with Mexico and Canada. If the activity in SPP.gov were truly as innocent as Mr. Bohigian asserts, why has SPP.gov resisted posting on the Internet the information our FOIA request is seeking to have released for the public to read?
A close examination of SPP.gov documents that many areas of law and regulation that previously were the purview of the U.S. laws alone are evidently being rewritten by executive branch working groups as new trilateral administrative laws and regulations, without first being submitted to Congress for oversight, new legislation, or other forms of legislative approval.
For instance, the 2005 Report to Leaders on the SPP.gov website documents trilateral agreements to issue biometric ID cards to North American “trusted traders” who will apparently be able to use these cards alone to move freely throughout North America, able to live and work where they choose, without any other specific visa or border crossing documentation. This and the “trusted trader” trilateral agreements later described in the document are highly suggestive of the conclusion that SPP.gov is effectively erasing our borders with Mexico and Canada, even if that explicit purpose is never announced or admitted.
Mr. Hawkins also cites Tony Snow’s press conference denial that the Bush administration intends to merge the U.S. into the NAU. Retractions or restatements by White House press secretaries whose prior briefings were incomplete, or whose information given to the public needed otherwise to be restated are numerous in all modern presidential administrations, Democratic and Republican alike.
Mr. Hawkins argues that the creation of the NAU would require an explicit Constitutional process, possibly even a Constitutional Convention. Again, Mr. Hawkins is non-responsive to our argument that the legal and regulatory infrastructure of the NAU is being created by the executive branch in a de facto manner. Nor did he respond to our example that we already have Chapter 11 tribunals under NAFTA that could evolve into acting like the kind of North American dispute resolution institution described frequently in the writings of Dr. Pastor, as well as in the CFR May 2005 task force report.
Finally, Mr. Hawkins concludes with an admonition that we should be happy SPP.gov is working with our neighbors to improve our security and our prosperity and we shouldn’t worry about a non-existent “vast conspiracy to create a North American Union.” The “don’t worry” part of this “don’t worry, be happy” formula is delivered in the last sentence, where Mr. Hawkins cannot resist one last ad hominem shot. I will refrain from repeating the sentence but I will note that the arguments over the NAU gain credence the closer we look at them. I encourage Mr. Hawkins to rely less on personal testimony derived from involved participants and to spend more time studying and arguing from the extensive evidentiary body of SPP documents which many of us who are examining these questions have linked to in our various articles.
I conclude here as I concluded in the blog debate. I am grateful to Mr. Hawkins for continuing this debate. Challenging the arguments on the NAU should only draw more public attention and scrutiny of the many important issues being debated. I would only encourage Mr. Hawkins to drop the invective, which in the final analysis ends up being less abusive to those of us arguing the NAU than it is to himself.
Through a series of acquisitions including Mexican railroads, Kansas City Southern (KCS, NYSE: KSE) has declared itself the nation's first NAFTA Railroad.
On April 1, 2005, KCS completed the acquisition of Mexican Railroad TFM, S.A. de C.V., an acquisition which gained for KCS all the common stock of Groupo Transportacion Ferrovaria Mexicana, S.A. de C.V., the holding company that owned TFM. In December 2005, KCS changed the name of TFM to Kansas City Southern de Mexico (KCSM). The acquisition of KCSM was a key piece in putting together the "NAFTA railroad," the marketing brand that KCS uses to market its North American service for both KCSM in Mexico and Kansas City Southern Railroad (KCSR) in the United States.
The KCS website makes clear the importance of Kansas City Southern de Mexico in the KCS NAFTA-focused marketing plan linking into network developing to use Mexican ports for the deliver to North America of goods manufactured in China and shipped across the Pacific Ocean in container ships:
The 2,661-mile KCSM operates the primary rail route in northern and central Mexico, linking Mexico City and Monterrey with Laredo, Texas, where more than 50 percent of the U.S.-Mexico trade crosses the border. The line also connects the major population centers of Mexico City and Monterrey with the heartland of the U.S. and serves the ports of Veracruz, Tampico and Lazaro Cardenas, a primary alternative to West Coast ports for shippers in the route between Asia and North America.

Kansas City SmartPort acknowledges the importance of the NAFTA Railroad in the Kansas City "inland port" concept. A brochure on the Kansas City SmartPort website outlines the marketing plan:
Kansas City offers the opportunity for sealed cargo containers to travel to Mexican port cities such as Lazaro Cardenas with virtually no border delays. It will streamline shipments from Asia and cut the time and labor costs associated with shipping through the congested ports on the West Coast.The same brochure emphasizes how extensively KCS is preparing for this cross-border traffic:In April 2005, Kansas City Southern completed purchase of a controlling interest in Transprotacion Ferroviaria Mexicana (TFM), enabling TFM, The Kansas City Southern Railroad and The Texas Mexican Railway Company to operate under common leadership, creating a seamless transportation system spanning the heart of North America known as "The NAFTA Railway."
Kansas City Southern is installing Spanish language versions of its computer operating system (MCS) in an effort to increase train speeds, reduce waiting times at terminals and enable the free flow of locomotives and rail cars between the United States and Mexico via Kansas City Southern's railroad bridge at Laredo, Texas.Tasha Hammes of the Kansas City Area Development Council verified in a June 29, 2006 email to the author that, "The containers that come in through the port of Lazaro Cardenas will enter the U.S. on a U.S. railroad (Kansas City Southern). Yet, in a July 6, 2006 email to the author, Doniele Kane, an AVP for Corporate Communications & Community Affairs for KCS acknowledges that "TFM will remain a Mexican corporation with Mexican leadership," even though TFM is now a wholly-owned subsidiary of KCS, an U.S. corporation. Moreover, Ms. Kane acknowledges that KCS de Mexico (KCSM) will retain Mexican management and Mexican railroad workers.
Railroad lines are a major design component of the Trans-Texas Corridor (TTC), what we have argued is the prototype NAFTA Super-Highway to be replicated in north-south corridors throughout the country.
As specified according to the 4,000-page Environmental Impact Statement on the Trans-Texas Corridor website maintained by the Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT), the 4 football fields-wide TTC-35 is planned to have separate lines for railroad cargo lines. Nowhere does the TxDOT website specify that railroads like the KCS NAFTA Railroad will have to pay for the new and improved rail beds being laid by the TxDOT, with funds provided by the Spanish Cintra capital consortium. Even though the TTC rail lines will be available on a toll basis, the plan to parallel I-35 should provide minimum disruption to KCS, whose rail route north roughly parallels the current I-35 route.
KCSM employees are then not represented by the various U.S. rail unions such as the United Transportation Union and the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen. Ms. Kane also made clear that "KCSM employees unionized employees in Mexico who are represented by Sindicato de Trabajadores Ferrocarrileros de la Republica Mexicana, the Mexican railroad workers union." This union is a member of the Confederacion de Trahajadores de Mexico (CTM), a traditionally government-dominated union confederation that has a history of opposing worker efforts to establish independent unions along the U.S. model.
Mexican labor union historian and analyst Dan La Botz has argued that Mexican railroads were privatized as part of a World Bank- imposed settlement in the 1990s. La Botz wrote the following in 1998:
The first big privatization came on December 5, 1996, when the Mexican government sold the Northeast Railway to Mexican Railway Transportation (TFM), a consortium which included Kansas City Southern Industries (KSCI), for $1.4 billion.Ms. Kane of KCS points out that "No Mexican crews operate in the U.S. and no U.S. crews operate in Mexico."With the approval of the Mexican labor authorities, the old state-company and the new TFM railroad management laid off the workers and nullified the old collective bargaining agreement. To keep a job, workers had to accept termination and their severance pay and be re-contracted without their previous seniority, pay or benefits. Many hundreds of the Northeast Railway workers lost their jobs altogether.
Frank N. Wilner, Public Relations Director of the United Transportation Union (UTU) agrees that at present KCS trains switch to UTU crews for all U.S. operations. The UTU strongly objects to any suggestion that Mexican crews would ever be permitted to operate trains in the United States. Mr. Wilner in a June 30, 2006 email to the author still that, "It is criminal that the rail industry, enjoying the highest profitability in its history, would roll the dice on public safety and national security by booting experienced American citizens from the locomotive cabs and replacing them with foreign nationals with limited skills in English and American railroad practices."
The working groups organized in the U.S. Department of Commerce under the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP). The 2005 Report to Leaders found at the first tap to the left on SPP.gov makes clear that a North American "trusted trader" program will be run mostly on electronics "to substantially reduce transit times and border congestion." NAFTA Railroad trains should be easily identified for immediate border passage, especially with the containers with appropriate "SENTRI" type systems that mark the containers to have originated from "trusted trader" shippers, even if the point of origin is China or the Far East.
We should also note that KCS and the company's Chairman & Chief Executive Michael R. Haverty have been very prominent in SPP activities.
The 2004 Summit held in Kansas City, Missouri, by the North American International Trade Corridor Partnership (NAITCP), an affiliate organization of the North America's Super Corridor Coalition, Inc. (NASCO) produced a brochure with a front page photograph of Mr. Haverty, documenting his attendance. Mr. Haverty is photographed at the right of the first row in the photo, with Dr. Robert Pastor of American University at the left of the row.
Dr. Pastor, who spoke at the summit, was the vice chair of the Council on Foreign Relations task force report "Building a North American Community," which we have argued serves as the blueprint for SPP.gov. Dr. Pastor is the author of five books, including "Toward a North American Community," published in 1991. Dr. Pastor has consistently argued that NAFTA should be transformed by a process of tri-lateral administrative regulations and executive branch negotiated trilateral agreements into a North American Union regional government on the model of the European Union.
According to the Council of the Americas, Warren Erdman, senior vice president of Kansas City Southern Industries (KCSI) attended as one of the 10 business representative council members representing the United States at the first SPP "Ministerial Meeting" held with the newly formed North American Competitiveness Council (NCAA) on June 15, 2006, held at the U.S. Department of Commerce in Washington, D.C. We have previously questioned the Congressional authorization for NACC which has been organized under the auspices of the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America, a "treaty like" status that the Bush administration executive branch has declared to be a second-stage NAFTA arrangement to be in existence currently between the U.S., Mexico, and Canada.
As KCS evidences, the concept of a NAFTA Railroad is at the heart of the corridor transportation system being designed right now by international corporations and capital managers to bring goods from Asia into the emerging North American Union (NAU) via Mexican ports, to be delivered ultimately throughout North America by cheap transportation labor in which Mexican trucks and Mexican trains will play a key role.
As SPP develops into the NAU, the government executive branch agencies and the cabinet-level "ministers" in Canada, the United States, and Mexico will work very hard behind the scenes to erase our borders with Canada and Mexico. Border crossings for "trusted travelers" and "trusted traders" are intended to involve nothing more under SPP than a speed bump, an inconvenience not dissimilar from using an EZ-pass to go through a toll booth on a limited access highway. Whether moving by car, truck, or rail, government-issued electronics including biometric North American Union border passes will be all that is necessary to allow free passage, provided a toll is charged and collected.
The Port Authority of San Antonio has been working actively with the Communist Chinese to open and develop NAFTA shipping ports in Mexico.
The plan is to ship containers of cheap goods produced by under-market labor in China and the Far East into North America via Mexican ports. From the Mexican ports, Mexican truck drivers and railroad workers will transport the goods across the Mexican border with Texas. Once in the U.S., the routes will proceed north to Kansas City along the NAFTA Super-Highway, ready to be expanded by the Trans-Texas Corridor, and NAFTA railroad routes being put in place by Kansas City Southern. Kansas City Southern's Mexican railroads has positioned the company to become the "NAFTA Railroad."
Right now, the cost of shipping and ground transportation can nearly double the total cost of cheap goods produced by Chinese and Far Eastern under-market labor. The plan is to reduce those transportation costs by as much as 50% by using Mexican ports.
Cost-savings will be realized by bringing the goods into the U.S. at mid-continent. Equally important is that the substantially reduced cost of using Mexican labor in the ports and to transport the goods once off-loaded. Mexican workers undercut Longshoremen Union port employees on the docks of Los Angeles and Long Beach, just as Mexican truck drivers undercut the Teamsters and Mexican railroad workers undercut United Transportation Union railroad workers. By using the Mexican ports, the international corporations managing this global trade are able to avoid the U.S. labor union workers who otherwise would unload the ships in west coast ports and transport the Asian containers into the heart of America by U.S. truckers or U.S. railroad ground transport moving east across the Rocky Mountains.
In April 2006, officials of the Port Authority of San Antonio traveled to China with representatives of the Free Trade Alliance San Antonio, the Port of Lazaro Cardenas, and Hutchinson Port Holdings to develop the Mexican ports logistics corridor. The goal of the meetings in China was described by the March 2006 e-newsletter of the Free Trade Alliance San Antonio:
In January of 2006, a collaboration of several logistics entities in the U.S. and Mexico began operation of a new multimodal logistics corridor for Chinese goods entering the U.S. Market. The new corridor brings containerized goods from China on either Maersk or CP Ships service to the Mexican Port of Lazaro Cardenas. There, the containers are off loaded by a new world class terminal operated by Hutchinson Ports based in Hong Kong. The containers are loaded onto the Kansas City Southern Railroad de Mexico where they move in-bound into the U.S. The containers clear U.S. customs in San Antonio, Texas and are processed for distribution.Hutchinson Whampoa, a diversified company that manages property development and telecommunications companies, with operations in 54 countries and over 200,000 employees worldwide, is also one of the world's largest port operators. Hutchinson Ports Holding (HPH) owns Panama Ports Co., which operates the ports of Cristobal and Balboa which are located at each end of the Panama Canal. HPH also operates the industrial deepwater port of Lazaro Cardenas in the Mexican State of Michoacan, as well as the Mexican port at Manzanillo, also along the west coast of Mexico, north of Lazaro Cardenas.
The Free Trade Alliance San Antonio was created in 1994 to promote the development of San Antonio's inland port. The Free Trade Alliance San Antonio and the Port Authority of San Antonio are both members of NASCO, an acronym for the group's formal name, the North American's SuperCorridor Coalition, Inc. A Kansas City Star newspaper article posted on the website of the Kansas City SmartPort, another NASCO member, shows the importance of San Antonio's inland port to the developing NAFTA Super-Highway and NAFTA railroad corridor emerging along Interstate I-35. According to reporter Rick Alm, San Antonio envisions the opening of a Mexican customs office in their inland port, a move that has been pioneered by Kansas City SmartPort:
Under this area's arrangement [establishing a Mexican customs facility in the Kansas City SmartPort], freight would be inspected by Mexican authorities in Kansas City and sealed in containers for movement directly to Mexican destinations with fewer costly border delays. The arrangement would become even more lucrative when Asian markets that shipped through Mexican ports were figured into the mix. "We applaud the efforts of Kansas City and the Mexican government in developing a Mexican customs facility there," said Jorge Canavati, marketing director for Kelly USA [former name for San Antonio's inland port established on the former site of Kelly Air Force Base]. He said a Mexican customs function for KellyUSA "is something that is still far away We may be looking at that" in the future.A world map on the North American Inland Ports Network (NAIPN) on the NASCO website graphically highlights in yellow the trade routes from China across the Pacific ocean, to Mexico at the ports of Manzanillo and Lazaro Cardenas, entering the U.S. through San Antonio.

As the Port of San Antonio evidences, linking NAFTA inland ports with NAFTA super-highways and NAFTA railroads is an important part of the development plan for the emerging global free trade economy. San Antonio officials by working with the communist Chinese to open Mexican ports for NAFTA trade evidence that plan. International capitalists are now determined to exploit cheap Mexican labor, not so much for manufacturing and assembly, but as a means of saving port and transportation costs in the North American market.
The Bush Administration seems on-board with the plan, aiming to increase corporate capital gains in NAFTA markets rather than worrying about the adverse consequences to Mexican low-skilled workers or to the U.S. labor movement that transferring increasing amounts of manufacturing and assembly to China entails.
With virtually no mention in the mainstream media, Commerce Secretary Carlos M. Gutierrez convened on June 15, the first meeting of the North American Competitiveness Council (NACC), an apparently extra-constitutional advisory group organized by the Department of Commerce (DOC) under the auspices of the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP).
A March 31 press release on the White House website, under the title "Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America: Progress," announced the formation of the NACC. The press release noted that the NACC would meet annually "with security and prosperity Ministers and will engage with senior government officials on an ongoing basis." The "SPP Ministers" were not identified. Moreover, the term "Ministers" was an unusual reference to the U.S. government, especially when the founding fathers had taken such pains to rid the U.S. of all terminology that could be reminiscent of monarchical systems such as the British royalty against whom the Revolutionary War was aimed. Evidently, the reference was to Gutierrez, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, and Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff, the three cabinet officers to whom the extensive SPP working groups organized in DOC are now reporting, as well as their cabinet level counterparts in Mexico and Canada.
The White House press release references no U.S. law or treaty under which the NACC was organized. Yet the press release notes that:
We are convinced that regulatory cooperation advances the productivity and competitiveness of our nations and helps to protect our health, safety and environment. For instance, cooperation on food safety will protect the public while at the same time facilitate the flow of goods. We affirm our commitment to strengthen regulatory cooperation in this and other key sectors and to have our central regulatory agencies complete a trilateral regulatory cooperation framework by 2007.According to a notice on Trade.gov, a website maintained by the International Trade Administration of the DOC, the NACC membership consists of 10 "high-level business leaders" from Mexico, Canada, and the United States. An April 2006 report in the Mexican media quoted Angel Villalobos, undersecretary of International Trade Negotiations for Mexico's Secretariat of Economy, as saying that nothing like NACC had ever before been created in NAFTA. Mr. Villalobos described NACC as "an umbrella organization within the SPP," claiming further that SPP was created in 2005 to operate parallel to NAFTA.
A DOC press release on the day of the first NACC meeting seems to confirm that the "SPP Ministers" are the various cabinet level secretaries in the three countries to whom the SPP working groups report. The press release also references the March 23, 2005, Waco, Tex., meeting as the origin of SPP:
On March 23, 2005, leaders of North America launched the SPP. This initiative is meant to reduce trade barriers and facilitate economic growth, while improving the security and competitiveness of the continent. The leaders of North America confirmed their commitment to SPP when they met on March 31, 2006 in Cancun, Mexico.The press release quotes Gutierrez as affirming the importance of NACC within SPP:
"Today is a continuation of President Bush's strong commitment to our North American partners to focus on North America's security and prosperity. The private sector is the driving force behind innovation and growth, and the private sector's involvement in the SPP is key to enhancing North America's competitive position in global markets."The Council of the Americas provided the more detail regarding the June 15, 2006 meeting of the NACC than was found on U.S. government websites. A NACC membership list found on the Council of the Americas' website lists the U.S. members as coming form the following corporations (listed in alphabetic order): Campbell Soup Company, Chevron, Ford, FedEx, General Electric, General Motors, Kansas City Southern Industries, Lockheed Martin Corporation; Merck; Mittal Steel USA; New York Life; United Parcel Service; Wal-Mart; and Whirlpool.
A separate document on the Council of the Americas website presents a summarized transcript which claims that U.S. representatives in the June 15 meeting explained the composition of the U.S. delegation as follows:
"The U.S. section of the NACC has organized itself through a Secretariat -- composed of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Council of the Americas -- to maximize its efficiency and better communicate with its members." Secretary Gutierrez was also paraphrased as stating, "The purpose of this meeting was to institutionalize the North American Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) and the NACC, so that the work will continue through changes in administrations."The Council of the Americas is a private organization with offices in New York and Washington, D.C. According to the organization's own description, the group's members "include some of the largest blue chip corporations domiciled in the United States, who, collectively, represent the vast bulk of U.S. investment in and trade with the rest of the Americas." The Mexican -- U.S. Business Committee (MEXUS), organized as a standing committee of the Council of the Americas, is "the oldest bi-national private sector business organization with a focus on economic, commercial, and political relations in North America." A MEXUS document on the Council of the Americas' website self-credits MEXUS with having played "a critical role in the conceptual work that led to NAFTA," plus active lobbying in that "its [MEXUS's] members wore out significant shoe leather on Capital Hill, ultimately leading to successful passage."
The Council of Canadians, a Canadian advocacy group that opposes NAFTA and SPP, charged that nine of the 10 appointees of the Canadian NACC delegation was drawn from the Canadian Council of Chief Executives. Maude Barlow, the National Chairperson for the Council of Canadians objected, stating, "This latest development clearly puts business leaders in the driver's seat and gives them the green light to press forward for a North American model for business security and prosperity." Ms. Barlow additionally questioned, "How truly accountable is the Harper government to the Canadian people when it gives preferential treatment to the big-business community in the design of its policies?"
Even a quick glance at the "North American Security and Prosperity" page of the Canadian Council of Chief Executives makes clear how ardently the organization champions SPP. The Canadian Council of Chief Executives was listed alongside the Mexican Council on Foreign Relations (COMEXI, Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internationales) and the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) itself as being the sponsors for a March 2005 CFR-published task force report titled "Creating a North American Community -- Chairman's Statement," pubpublished before the March 23, 2005 trilateral proclamation of SPP in Waco, Texas. The three groups are also attributed with sponsoring the May 2005 CFR publication, "Building a North American Community."
The creation of the NACC is following the course prescribed by Robert A. Pastor, the American University professor who is was co-chair of the CFR task force that produced the two CFR publications described in the above paragraph. At a press conference presenting the CFR report, "Building a North American Community," Robert Pastor said:
The North American summit that occurred in Texas on March 23rd is a very important statement. But if it's to be more than a photo opportunity, we felt that a second institution was essential, and that would be a North American advisory council made up of eminent individuals, appointed for terms that are longer than those of the governments, and staggered over time. This council would propose ideas for dealing with North American challenges, whether they be regulatory or transportation or infrastructure or education, and put forth options to the three leaders to consider ways to adopt a North American approach.Robert Pastor described this council as playing an active policy role in the formation of his hoped-for North American Community.
And hopefully, the three leaders would turn to this North American council and say, "Look we're getting wonderful advice on what we should do about North America as a whole. Why don't you prepare a plan for us on education, on agriculture, on the environment, and we would consider that even as we consider the advice of our government."Dr. Pastor's comments seem to prefigure the June 15, 2006 first meeting of the NACC, even down to describing the membership of his "advisory council" as consisting of ten members from each of the trilateral states. If Dr. Pastor's roadmap continues to be predictive, we recommend a serious look at his book, "Toward a North American Community," in which he argues for the creation of a European Union-style fully institutionalized North American Union, constituting a super-regional government complete with a court, a parliament, a chief executive, and a new currency described as the "Amero."
The Council of the Americas website lists five top priorities identified for the U.S. Section of the American Business: Energy Integration; Supply Chain Management/Trade Facilitation/ Customs Reform; Regulatory/ Standards issues -- Harmonization and Sharing of Best Practices; Counterfeiting and Piracy -- "Fake Free North America"; and Private Sector Involvement in Border Security and Infrastructure Projects.
A White House website shows photographs of President Bush, Mexico President Vicente Fox, and Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper at their March 31 joint news conference in Cancun, Mexico, shaking hands in front of a backdrop proclaiming "Cancun 2006. Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America." Increasingly, the three leaders are referring to the SPP as if the Waco, Texas press release announcement of March 23, 2005 constitutes an official new treaty-like trilateral status, advancing the trilateral partnership forward into a more institutional phase that can be termed at a minimum "NAFTA-Plus."
At the Cancun press conference, Prime Minister Harper confirmed that the decision had been reached to advance SPP by forming NACC:
During my meetings with Presidents Bush and Fox, we reviewed the progress of our Security and Prosperity Partnership, which provides a framework to advance the common interests in the areas of security, prosperity, and quality of life.In his comments at the Cancun press conference, President Bush also affirmed the presence of unnamed business leaders who had attended the trilateral summit meeting. President Bush commented, "I want to thank the CEOs and the business leaders from the three countries who are here."We committed to further engage the private sector. We've agreed to set up a North American Competitiveness Council, made up of business leaders from all three countries, to advise us on ways to improve the competitiveness of our economies. They will meet with our ministers, identify priorities, and make sure we follow up and implement them.
The DOC's SPP website announcing the formation of NACC provides no information as to the membership requirements, the selection process, or the terms of the members appointed to the NACC. Nor is there any discussion of who pays for the travel expenses and the time of the participants. We find no charter published for the NACC, or any other specific delineation of roles and responsibilities, or reporting authority (except for a mention of the "SPP Ministers"). Equally lacking is a description of the enabling legislation or treaty under which the NACC operates.
According to an attendance list produced by the Council of the Americas, the June 15, 2006 meeting of the NACC was attended by Geri Word, deputy director of Office of NAFTA and Inter-American Affairs in the U.S. Department of Commerce; Dan Fisk, senior director for Western Hemisphere Affairs at the National Security Council; Al Martinez-Fonts, director of the Office of the Private Sector in the U.S. Department of Homeland Security; Elizabeth "Betsy" Whitaker, deputy assistant secretary of Western Hemisphere Affairs at the U.S. Department of State; and Christopher Moore, deputy assistant secretary in the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs at the U.S. Department of State.
NASCO has altered the organization's website homepage, apparently in direct response to the North American Union series we have published here, including discussion of NASCO and NAFTA Super-Highways.
NASCO appears to be reacting from recent publicity deriving from our argument that NASCO actively supports the goals of their members, including the Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT) and the Kansas City SmartPort. TxDOT plans to start the first segment of the Trans-Texas Corridor (TTC) as early as next year and the Kansas City SmartPort plans to house a Mexican customs operation within their Inland Port design. These are new infrastructure developments along the North American NAFTA Super-Corridor that NASCO as a trade organization was created to support.
A box has been inserted to the left of the NASCO map on the homepage, emphasizing the following:
This map is not a blueprint or plan of any kind. The Infrastructure depicted on this map is not drawn to scale. The highways shown EXIST today, and have been enlarged to highlight the NASCO Corridor focus area. The rail lines have been placed on the map to show NASCO's multimodal approach.
The subtitle on the home page still reads "Secure Multi-Modal Transportation System," evidently referring to the automobile, truck, and railroad nature of the "NASCO Super-Corridor" described in the top title on the page. By so adding to the homepage, NASCO appears engaged in a public relations marketing effort to defuse concerns that the organization supports any new NAFTA Super-Highway development that would include TTC features.
This modification to the homepage echoes an email the author received from Tiffany Melvin, NASCO's Executive Director, on June 23, 2006, in which she wrote:
If the map were drawn to scale, it would be very difficult to see our focus area. The map is designed for marketing purposes, to highlight the highways we are focusing on. It is for our Coalition. That's it.An insert box has been placed on the homepage in the Atlantic Ocean area east of Massachusetts, reading "NASCO Myths Debunked." We understand that our articles are among the "myths" intended to be "debunked." The first line of text in the 4-page document linked to the "debunked box" reads: "There is no new, proposed NAFTA Superhighway." The next paragraph seems to say the NAFTA Super-Highway already exists -- it is evidently the current I-35:
As of late, there has been much media attention given to the "new, proposed NAFTA Superhighway." NASCO and the cities, counties, states and provinces along our existing Interstate Highways 35/29/94 (the NASCO Corridor) have been referring to I-35 as the "NAFTA Superhighway" for many years, as I-35 already carries a substantial amount of international trade with Mexico, the United States and Canada. There are no plans to build a new NAFTA Superhighwary -- it exists today as I-35.The "debunked text" even wants to de-emphasize the "Super" in the NASCO "Super Corridor" name. As Ms. Melvin expressed in a June 22, 2006 email to the author:
We have been using the name "SuperCorridor" since 1996. It does not mean huge, mega highway. We use "Super" in the sense of "more inclusive than a specialized category" (dictionary definition). Like Superman was not a huge, giant four football field wide man. He was MORE than a man. We are MORE than a highway coalition. We work to promote the use of multiple modes of transportation. We work on economic development along the corridor. We work on environmental issues. We work on networking inland ports. We work on developing business relationships for our members.Perhaps NASCO would be well advised to review the Trans-Texas Corridor website of its member TxDOT agency. There the 4,000 page Environmental Impact Study (EIS) clearly describes the 1,200 foot new Super-Highway that TxDOT plans to build parallel to I-35. Page 4 of the EIS Executive Summary shows an artist's rendition of the full build-out of the TTC-35 concept, an automobile-truck-railroad corridor with a utility space for energy pipelines and electronic circuits, along with tower electricity strung out on the perimeter. No artist's conception of the TTC drawn by the TxDOT bears any resemblance to the current I-35 in Texas or anywhere else.

From a public relations point of view, NASCO's emphasis that the "NASCO Super-Corridor" only involves existing highways, truck routes, and rail lines is a strategy consistent with a desire to stay below the radar of public awareness, so as to avoid criticism that might otherwise stop or impede NASCO's true mission -- to support the development of a NAFTA Super-Highway, either through enhancements to the existing north-south corridor along Interstate Highways 35/29/94 (the NASCO Corridor), or any Super-Highway enhancements its members initiate, including the TTC and the Mexican customs facility in the Kansas City SmartPort.
Today, there are some 50,000 miles of interstate highway in the U.S. and the TxDOT is proposing a full build-out of the TTC network that will build some 4,000 miles of TTC Super-Highways in Texas over the next 50 years. The TTC project at full development will involve the removal of as much as 584,000 acres of productive Texas farm and ranchland from the tax rolls permanently, while displacing upwards of 1 million people from their current residences. The 11 separate corridors planned will permanently cut across some 1,200 Texas roads, with cross-over unlikely for much of the nearly quarter-mile corridor planned to be built. Our research shows that dozens of small towns in Texas will be virtually obliterated in the bath of the advancing TTC behemoth. Reviewing statistics such as these, we can see why NASCO might prefer a low profile, preferring to stay below the radar of public scrutiny.
We also note that George Blackwood, NASCO President, attended the January 10-11 meeting in Louisville, Kentucky, held by the Council of the Americas and the North American Business Committee to conduct a "Public/Private Sector Dialogue" on the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America. A key finding of this meeting was that associations in the U.S. organized to promote particular corridors needed since the dawning of SPP in Waco, Texas, on March 23, 2005, to coordinate their efforts in a less provincial style, more reflective of the North American regional orientation of SPP itself:
For instance, conversation at the Louisville forum raised the potential for commonalities and/or synergies between disparate transportation efforts in the US Midwest (the "SuperCorridor" initiative), the North American West ("CANAMEX Corridor"), and in the Southeast United States and Mexico (the "Gulf of Mexico Trade Corridor" initiative). Before SPP, there was no obvious mechanism through which to promote coordination of these discrete activities.The Louisville SPP meeting also advised "the establishment of bilateral or trilateral commissions to facilitate border and cross-border infrastructure."
While the NASCO "debunking text" is correct in asserting that NASCO is a trade organization, not a government organization, NASCO officers appear deeply involved in working with federal and state departments of transportation, local and state governments, and regulatory agencies in promoting the goal of developing a "Super Corridor" structure for "integrating" the U.S., Canada, and Mexico into a corridor-dimensioned transportation system to promote NAFTA trade. NASCO trade organization professionals evidently are much more comfortable working in professional SPP conferences and dealing with government bureaucrats in the closed confines of their offices than answering the questions that public citizens are openly discussing on the Internet.
The NASCO "debunking text" continually asserts that a primary NASCO concern is transportation security, much as SPP itself asserts that the North American Partnership is put in place to promote security and prosperity, two goals SPP could assume no one would object to pursuing. The idea seems to be that NASCO wants to present itself as only concerned about security and efficiency as the volume of traffic on the existing "NASCO SuperCorriror" of existing interstate highways gets expanded under NAFTA.
NASCO's "debunking text" asserts that the organization's mission is "develop (NOT BUILD) the world's first international, integrated and secure, multi-modal transportation system along the International Mid-Continent Trade and Transportation to improve both the trade competitiveness and quality of life in North America."
Given this, we have a challenge. Let's see NASCO come forward and repudiate the TTC-35 plans of their TxDOT member, because clearly the TTC-35 plan to build 4-football-field-lengths wide of NAFTA Super-Highway corridors is inconsistent with NASCO's goal as expressed in the "debunking text" of only using existing transportation infrastructure. We also challenge NASCO to come forward and repute the Mexican customs facility plans of its Kansas City SmartPort member. Otherwise, we will assert that NASCO is continuing to say one thing for public relations effect, while doing something quite different -- quietly supporting their members as the members build the "new and improved" NAFTA Super-Highway infrastructure along the NASCO Corridor.
Mr. Corsi is the author of several books, including "Unfit for Command: Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry" (along with John O'Neill), "Black Gold Stranglehold: The Myth of Scarcity and the Politics of Oil" (along with Craig R. Smith), and "Atomic Iran: How the Terrorist Regime Bought the Bomb and American Politicians," and most recently, "Minutemen: The Battle to Secure America's Borders." He is a frequent guest on the G. Gordon Liddy radio show. He will soon co-author a new book with Jim Gilchrist on the Minuteman Project.
'How Canada Lost Its Rights And Liberties - And Few Cared!'
'How Britain Legislated Away 2,000 Years Of Rights And Freedom'

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"Betrayal : How the Clinton Administration Undermined American Security" - Bill Gertz
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"Seeds of Fire: China And The Story Behind The Attack On America" - Gordon Thomas
"The China Threat" - Bill Gertz
"Red Dragon Rising: Communist China's Military Threat to America" - Edward Timperlake, et al
"Hegemon: China's Plan to Dominate Asia and the World" - Steven W. Mosher
"Interpreting China's Grand Strategy: Past, Present, and Future (Project Air Force Report)" - Michael D. Swaine and Ashley J. Tellis
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"Governance and Politics of China (Comparative Government and Politics)" - Tony Saich
"Coming Collapse of China" - Gordon G. Chang
"Engaging China: The Management of an Emerging Power (Politics in Asia Series)" - edited by Alastair I. Johnston, et al
"The New Chinese Empire: Beijing's Political Dilemma and What It Means for the United States" - Ross Terrill
"New Emperors: China..." - Harrison E. Salisbury
"Mandate Of Heaven: In China, A New Generation Of Entrepreneurs, Dissidents, Bohemians And Technocrats" - Orville Schell and Jim Jorgensen
"The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy" - Kenneth Pomeranz
"The Rise of China (International Security Readers)" - edited by Michael E. Brown, et al
"Digital Dragon: High-Technology Enterprises in China (Cornell Studies in Political Economy)" - Adam Segal
"Social Connections in China: Institutions, Culture, and the Changing Nature of Guanxi" - edited by Thomas Gold, et al
"Red China Blues: My Long March From Mao To Now" - Jan Wong
"The Tiananmen Papers" - Liang Zhang
"China since Tiananmen" - Joseph Fewsmith
"Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice (Studies on Contemporary China)" - edited by Thomas Robinson and David L. Shambaugh
"Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing U.S.- China Relations, 1989-2000" - David M. Lampton
"The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, 1978-2000" - edited by David M. Lampton
"The Modern Chinese State" - edited by David Shambaugh
"What If China Doesn't Democratize?: Implications for War and Peace (Asia and the Pacific, Armonk, N.Y.)" - edited by Edward Friedman and Barrett L. McCormick
"Is China Unstable: Assessing the Factors (Studies on Contemporary China)" - David L. Shambaugh
"The Paradox of China's Post-Mao Reforms (Harvard Contemporary China Series, 12)" - edited by Merle Goldman and Roderick MacFarquhar
"China and the WTO: Changing China, Changing World Trade" - Supachai Panitchpakdi and Mark L. Clifford
"Out of Control: Global Turmoil on the Eve of the Twenty-First Century" - Zbigniew K. Brzezinski
"The Geostrategic Triad: Living with China, Europe, and Russia" - Zbigniew K. Brzezinski and John J. Hamre
"The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives" - Zbigniew K. Brzezinski
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